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  • Ivy League Analysis Destroys Biden’s Entire Argument for Multi-Trillion-Dollar ‘Build Back Better’ Spending Plans

    President Biden continues to fight to pass some version of his multi-trillion-dollar “Build Back Better” spending agenda through Congress. In its various iterations, the plan includes trillions spent on everything from electric vehicle tax credits and green energy subsidies to taxpayer-funded childcare-for-all to housing subsidies and more. The Biden administration claims that the latest version would involve $1.85 trillion in new spending.

    The president has made lofty promises about what we’d get in exchange for such a historic investment. (After all, that price tag is more than the inflation-adjusted cost of FDR’s New Deal!) 

    “[This is] a framework that will create millions of jobs, grow the economy, invest in our nation and our people, turn the climate crisis into an opportunity, and put us on a path not only to compete, but to win the economic competition for the 21st century against China and every other major country in the world,” Biden said in a recent speech. “It’s fiscally responsible. It’s fully paid for.”

    “For much too long, the working people of this nation and the middle class of this country have been dealt out of the American deal, and it’s time to deal them back in,” he continued. “If we make these investments, there will be no stopping the American people or America. We will own the future.” 

    Simply put, Biden argues that his plan to spend trillions will create jobs, grow the economy, and increase wages—all without adding to the $28.9 trillion (and counting) national debt. Yet a new Ivy League economic analysis undercuts every single one of these claims. 

    Analysts at the Wharton School of Business reviewed President Biden’s latest $1.85 trillion framework proposal and ran the numbers to project its likely economic impacts, under two distinct scenarios. One is the rather unrealistic scenario where it actually only costs $1.85 trillion. Yet because the proposal is structured with many budget gimmicks and short-term spending authorizations that would likely be reauthorized if implemented, its real cost could be as much as $4.25 trillion. Wharton also modeled the likely impact of this scenario.

    In the first case, where the president’s plans cost only what he claims, the analysis still finds his promises falling short on nearly all counts. The tax increases included would not, in fact, pay for the entire proposal, and it would lead to a 2 percent increase in government debt over the long run. (That might sound small, but it’s hundreds of billions of taxpayer dollars!) And, while Wharton projects that wages would increase slightly, it finds that the overall economy would shrink, not grow, while business investment and hours worked would decline.

    Erm… how’s that revitalizing America? And those dismal results are under Biden’s rosy assumptions. Under the more realistic scenario where spending provisions are accurately accounted for and the real cost is north of $4 trillion, the investment’s return is even more spectacularly awful. 

    Government debt would increase by 25 percent over 30 years—that’s trillions and trillions in new spending that is not, in fact, paid for. The economy would shrink—not grow—nearly 3 percent over this timeline compared to the baseline, while wages would decline 1.5 percent and hours worked would fall 1.3 percent.

    It’s easy to see why government spending could have these meager results. Proponents of big government spending, like Joe Biden, focus solely on the purported benefits of their plans.

    Yet every dollar spent somewhere must ultimately, directly or indirectly, come from somewhere else in the economy. The resources invested by the government in one area are, by definition, resources that would have been invested somewhere else by the private sector. 

    The tax hikes to partially fund the spending discourage work and tax away money that would have otherwise been invested. The debt incurred to partially fund the spending “crowds out” resources available for private sector investment. It’s not just a wash, either. In taking resources that would have been allocated via market signals and instead allocating them based on politics, government redistribution generally leads to net economic losses. 

    As Ludwig von Mises famously put it, “The government and its chiefs do not have the powers of the mythical Santa Claus. They cannot spend except by taking out of the pockets of some people for the benefit of others.”

    It’s with the reality of trade-offs in mind that the Wharton analysis is able to reliably predict the negative impacts of Biden’s plans. 

    This analysis is nothing short of devastating for the president’s plans. Biden wants to confiscate and spend trillions of our taxpayer dollars and is promising us the world in return for this investment. But Ivy League analysts and basic economic principles alike expose how empty those promises really are.


    Brad Polumbo

    Brad Polumbo (@Brad_Polumbo) is a libertarian-conservative journalist and Policy Correspondent at the Foundation for Economic Education.

    This article was originally published on FEE.org. Read the original article.


  • White House Press Secretary Jen Psaki Refuses to Acknowledge Economic Reality Because She Thinks It’s Mean

    Ayn Rand famously quipped, “You can avoid reality, but you cannot avoid the consequences of avoiding reality.” White House Press Secretary Jen Psaki’s latest viral flub seems perfectly calibrated to confirm the late author’s wise words. 

    At a Monday press conference, Psaki was confronted by journalists citing data showing that House Democrats’ proposed tax increases would violate President Biden’s pledge not to raise taxes on anyone earning less than $400,000.

    In particular, multiple studies have shown that the proposed increase in the corporate tax rate from 21 to 26.5 percent would lead to lower wages for workers and higher consumer prices. (A de facto tax increase for those earning less than $400,000 if not technically a direct one.) The press secretary responded to the journalist’s query by downplaying the potential pass-along costs and simply declaring them immoral.

    “There are some… who argue that in the past, companies have passed on these costs to consumers,” Psaki said. “We feel that that’s unfair and absurd and the American people will not stand for that.” 

    That’s nice. But the laws of economics are unmoved by Psaki’s personal condemnation, and Americans who will bear the real brunt of the tax hike proposals certainly care more about what the practical impact will be than the White House’s moral musings. 

    Whether Psaki and Biden think that corporate tax hikes should lead to lower wages or high prices is utterly immaterial. They do. 

    Both a near-consensus of empirical research and basic economic theory confirm this reality. Indeed, a study by the nonpartisan Tax Foundation found that a previous Biden proposal to raise the corporate tax rate to 28 percent—so, slightly higher than the 26.5 percent proposed now—would have shrunk the size of the economy, lowered wages, and eliminated 159,000 jobs. We can safely assume that similar dysfunction would accompany the latest proposal.     

    Of course, the destructive fallout of their proposed tax hikes is a politically inconvenient reality for the Biden administration. But that’s no excuse for denying or downplaying it. Jen Psaki’s empty moralizing and hand-waving cannot change the laws of economics. Nor will the press secretary’s words comfort workers who bear the brunt of bad policymaking.


    Brad Polumbo

    Brad Polumbo (@Brad_Polumbo) is a libertarian-conservative journalist and Policy Correspondent at the Foundation for Economic Education.

    This article was originally published on FEE.org. Read the original article.


  • Here’s How Biden Is Making It Even Harder to Buy a Home

    The US housing market is extremely competitive right now; prices are high and houses are selling fast.

    When Molly Rodela — who is a wife as well as a mother to two kids — was finally able to find a suitable house for a reasonable price online, she could not spend any time considering the decision. She contacted her agent, visited the house without her husband, and then put in an offer $20,000 above the asking price all in the same day.

    With her quick action, the Rodelas were able to get the house. But many have not been so lucky.

    Moreover, the factors behind the tight housing market are concerning.

    For homebuilders across the country, it has become harder and harder to create affordably-priced housing. One of the reasons is the increased labor costs associated with a shortage of skilled workers.

    And a huge factor has been the recent spike in the price of lumber. In fact, the National Association of Homebuilders recently reported that the cost of building a new house has gone up by $24,000 due to soaring lumber prices alone.

    For homebuyers, the issue may go from bad to worse.

    The Biden administration recently took the first step to double tariffs on Canadian lumber from roughly nine to 18 percent.

    In doing so, the administration is falling for an age-old economic fallacy.

    In his timeless book, Economics In One Lesson, Henry Hazlitt argued that “The art of economics consists in looking not merely at the immediate but at the longer effects of any act or policy; it consists in tracing the consequences of that policy not merely for one group but for all groups.”

    In other words, Hazlitt believes that we must not assess policy with blinders on, but rather with a broad understanding of the policy’s consequences.

    In the chapter titled “Who’s ‘Protected’ by Tariffs,” he applied this principle to anti-trade protectionism specifically, pointing out that people who support tariffs fall for the fallacy of “considering merely the immediate effects of a tariff on special groups, and neglecting to consider its long-run effects on the whole community.”

    In this case, Biden is justifying his tariff hike by its immediate effects on the American lumber industry. He argues that when Canada subsidizes their lumber industry, they are able to undercut US producers in an unfair way. So, by implementing a tariff on Canadian lumber, Biden is making Canadian lumber more expensive, thus giving American lumber companies a competitive advantage.

    But a true practitioner of the art of economics would then ask: who else does the tariff impact, and how?

    One important question to ask, for instance, would be how does the tariff impact American industries that purchase lumber? The answer: they have to pay higher prices.

    The burden of these increased production costs inevitably ends up being passed onto consumers. Basic economics tells us that when the price of one resource used to produce a good goes up, the price that the consumer eventually pays for that good rises as well.

    This is exactly why home buyers — and consumers of products that use lumber in general — will be the victims of Biden’s lumber tariff.

    A shortage of lumber as a result of the pandemic led to its price in May being up nearly 400 percent over the past year. But prices have begun to drop again because production has started to ramp up. To increase the tariff — which is just an import tax — would serve to restrict the supply of lumber. This would not allow prices to decrease back to pre-pandemic levels.

    The natural consequence of high lumber prices is the increase in price for all of the goods that use lumber in their production. This does not just stop at houses, but rather includes things such as furniture and storage appliances as well. The average consumer will then have to pay a higher price for all of them.

    Tariffs are not only harmful to individual consumers, but the economy as a whole. As Hazlitt points out, “Higher prices in one area mean that they will not be able to spend that money on something else, thus hurting other industries as well.”

    For example, if, because of Biden’s tariff hike, people have to spend more on houses and other things made with lumber, they will have less money to spend on things such as restaurants, tourism, and consumer technology. Therefore, workers and investors in those industries will be economically disadvantaged by the tariffs, too.

    As Hazlitt says, “In order that one industry might grow or come into existence, a hundred other industries would have to shrink.”

    At the core of the matter, President Biden is making the mistake of only looking at the effect of this tariff on a special group — the US lumber industry. But, in doing so, he is neglecting the millions of Americans who — far from being protected — will be economically harmed by the tariff hike, including consumers (especially homebuyers), workers, and investors.

    Tariffs, much like any number of other well-meaning government programs, seem like a plausible solution to certain problems we face. But, if we think like an economist and widen our lens to encompass the bigger picture, it becomes clear that they will primarily hurt the American people.

    Buy Economics in One Lesson from the FEE Store.


    Jack Elbaum

    Jack Elbaum is a Hazlitt Writing Fellow at FEE and an incoming sophomore at George Washington University. His writing has been featured in The Wall Street Journal, Newsweek, The New York Post, and the Washington Examiner. You can contact him at jackelbaum16@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @Jack_Elbaum.

    This article was originally published on FEE.org. Read the original article.